Derivations and Evaluations: Object Shift in the Germanic by Broekhuis, Hans

By Broekhuis, Hans

This learn indicates that Scandinavian item shift and so-called A-scrambling within the continental Germanic languages are a similar, and goals at delivering an account of the adaptation that we discover with recognize to this phenomenon by means of combining sure features of the Minimalist application and Optimality idea. extra particularly, it's claimed that representations created through a simplified model of the computational approach of human language CHL are evaluated in an optimality theoretic model by way of taking recourse to a truly small set of output constraints.

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26) a. Hvorfor læste studenterne deni ikke ti ? why read the students it not b. *Hvorfor læste studenterne ikke den? This can be accounted for by assuming that clause (24c) must be further refined as in (24c′). This clause makes the following correct predictions: (i)non-pronominal DPs that are part of the presupposition of the clause (=INT) must undergo object shift in Icelandic, but not in Danish or the Romance languages; (ii) definite pronouns (which are assigned INT by definition) must undergo object shift in Icelandic and Danish; (iii) the Romance languages do not have any kind of object shift because the set of elements that is assigned INT′ in the relevant context is empty, which is indicated by “∅”.

LEFT EDGE (CP): the first leftmost pronounced word in an embedded CP must be the complementizer. TELEGRAPH (TEL): do not pronounce function words. Where MP and OT are similar: The architecture of syntax 19 The ranking of these constraints will determine the optimal output. In order to see this, it is important to note that LE(CP) in (21b) and TEL in (21c) are in conflict with each other: the first wants complementizers to be pronounced, whereas the latter wants them to be deleted. Such conflicts make it possible to account for variation between languages: when we rank these constraints differently, we get languages with different properties.

Now consider the evaluation of the same candidates in a language with the ranking in (22b), given in Tableau 2. Since TEL is now ranked higher than LE(CP), violation of the former is fatal, so that deletion of the complementizer becomes obligatory. Tableau 2: Obligatory C-deletion in embedded declarative clauses TEL .... ] .... ] LE(CP) *! ) * Tableau 3 gives the evaluation according to the ranking in (22c), where the two constraints are in a tie, which is indicated in the tableau by means of a dashed line.

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