By Sarah G. Thomason
Offering linguistic and historic sketches of lesser-known touch languages, this paintings goals to give a contribution to a extra balanced view of the main dramatic result of language touch. The 12 case stories provide testimony opposed to the view that each one touch languages are pidgins and creoles with maximally uncomplicated and basically exact grammars. They convey that a few touch languages are neither pidgins nor creoles, and they can demonstrate enormous structural variety and complexity; additionally they exhibit that two-language touch events can provide upward push to pidgins, particularly whilst entry to a goal language is withheld via its audio system. The chapters are prepared via language sort: 3 specialise in pidgins (Hiri Motu, Pidgin Delaware and Ndyuka-Trio Pidgin); one on a suite of pidgins and creoles (Arabic-based touch languages); one at the query of early pidginization and/or creolization in Swahili; and 5 on bilingual combined languages (Michif, Media Lengua and Callahuaya, and Mednyj Aleut and Ma'a). The aim of this quantity is to aid offset the normal emphasis on pidgins and creoles that arose as an instantaneous result of touch with Europeans, beginning within the Age of Exploration.
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Extra resources for Contact languages: a wider perspective (Creole Language Library)
Handbook of Tok Pisin (New Guinea Pidgin). Canberra: Pacific Linguistics C-70. Pidgin Delaware Ives Goddard Smithsonian 1. Institution Introduction Pidgin Delaware was used as a contact language between Indians and Euro peans on the Middle Atlantic Coast of North America during the Colonial Period. The Indians involved in its use were, in all known cases, speakers of varieties of Delaware, a grouping of two contiguous and closely related Eastern Algonquian languages, Munsee and Unami, each of which comprised a dialect continuum.
Consequently they would have been forced to accommodate to the Motu and not vice versa. Finally, because many of these foreigners were traders and traveled from one language area to another where some Motu was already known (and no English was) at the time of European contact,11 some form of Motu was bound to become the natural lingua franca between foreigner and non-Motu. In short, the whole sociolinguistic context of the Port Moresby area in the period preceding government intervention predetermined Motu in some form or other to becoming the established lingua franca of the area.
Presumably it was functionally displaced by American Indian Pidgin English, English, in some local situations other European languages, and, for a few non-Indians, Delaware. As late as 1785, however, the Delaware learned by Whites on the frontier contained Pidgin Delaware features. Pidgin Delaware was a pidginized form of Unami. Nearly all of its attested vocabulary has clear origins in Unami words and expressions. The dialects of Unami were most noticeably differentiated by phonological inno vations in Southern Unami that, under various conditions, dropped w, synco- 44 Ives Goddard pated vowels, and deleted initial syllables.