American Power after 9/11 by Marvin L. Astrada (auth.)

By Marvin L. Astrada (auth.)

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Embargo, is a selfcontradictory premise; must one be forced to be free? To discard or marginalize the civil rights and liberties of a “free” populace in the name of security is not in line with the tenets of genuine freedom. Language therefore provides protective and obfuscating screens, fixing attention on the term (freedom) while simultaneously reconfiguring it. S. modalities of global governance is the means by which this exchange occurs. S. socioeconomic and political precepts, the United States has established the “Partnership for Progress and a Common Future to support political, economic, and social reform in the Broader Middle East and North Africa” (hereinafter BMENA), launched by the Group of Eight (G-8) in 2004.

S. exceptionalism in order to pursue an unhampered, aggressive ASA for the sake of global peace and justice. By manufacturing security needs based on the 9/11 event, the United States is able to posit an absolutist security policy as the only satisfactory response to fulfill all states’ needs. S. S. policy becomes a requisite precondition for any discourse vis-à-vis global security. The event of 9/11, in and of itself, has enabled the United States to pursue an unfettered campaign to exercise plenary control over world affairs based on the ubiquitous threat of malevolent terror.

ASA produces a discourse that is “accepted on [its] own merits and positioned within [a] . . ”28 Since 9/11, the United States has defined illimitable terrorism—a terrorism that is as all encompassing, shapeless, potent, and miasmic—as the enemy of global order: In addition to al-Qaida, a host of other groups and individuals also use terror and violence against the innocent in pursuit of their objectives and pose potential threats to the security of the US. These include Lebanese Hizballah, which has conducted anti-US attacks outside the US .

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